2019-12-09 17:35:46|今晚三中三买什么生肖 来源:温州赶集网


  Voting rights and partisan gerrymandering, traditionally the preoccupation of wonky party strategists and good-government groups, have become major flash points in the debate about the integrity of American elections, signaling high stakes battles over voter suppression and politically engineered districts ahead of the 2020 presidential race.

  When Democrats take the majority in the House on Thursday, the first bill they plan to introduce will be broad legislation focusing on these issues. Early drafts of their proposals include automatic voter registration, public elections financing and ending gerrymandering by using independent commissions to draw voting districts.

  But action and anger go far beyond Congress. With voters increasingly aware of the powerful impact of gerrymandering and doubtful about the fairness of elections, voting issues have become central to politics in key states including Florida, Georgia, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

  Questions about the health of American democracy are being raised in areas once thought to be wholly nonpartisan, as reflected in a court battle over whether the Trump administration is trying to use a question about citizenship on the 2020 census to undercount Democratic constituencies and limit their political clout.

  Voters in five states last year passed ballot questions shifting the power to draw political districts away from partisan lawmakers.

  In widely criticized lame-duck sessions of the Wisconsin and Michigan Legislatures, Republicans raced to strip powers from new Democratic governors, partly to protect their ability to gerrymander after the 2020 census.

  In Florida, voters approved a ballot initiative to restore voting rights for more than a million convicted felons, while in Georgia, questions about the legitimacy of the victory by the Republican governor, Brian Kemp, revolved around allegations that his office suppressed the votes of minorities in the state.

  At issue, many voting experts say, is a momentous clash between demographic changes that are slowly and powerfully reshaping the American electorate, making it younger, more diverse and more favorable for Democrats, and the entrenched power of Republican lawmakers, who see restrictions on voting and partisan redistricting as ways to hold on to political power.

  “What they’re trying to do is construct a system where a minority of the voters can actually obtain majority power,” said the former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., who sued states over voting rules during the Obama administration.

  Republicans say the influence of gerrymandering is overblown. They argue that Democrats fail to win seats in proportion to their popular votes because Democratic voters are clustered in urban districts. Republicans defend voting restrictions like ID laws as popular with majorities in both parties and needed to ensure confidence in elections.

  That concerns about gerrymandering have gone mainstream was underlined last month when President Barack Obama said he would join forces with a group Mr. Holder leads, the National Democratic Redistricting Committee. It was formed in 2017 in response to many state legislatures shifting sharply to the right on abortion, taxes, education and collective bargaining. Democrats contend those shifts were built on Republicans’ securing majorities at the state level through extreme gerrymandering after the 2010 census.

  The Republican State Leadership Committee, which helped secure many of those statehouse victories, argues the initial races were run in districts drawn by Democrats in previous decades. Matt Walter, the committee’s president, said some of the 2018 ballot measures to make redistricting less partisan were quietly backed by groups that seek to elect more Democrats.

  “Cleverly worded ballot measures regarding redistricting are often nothing more than Democrat politics wrapped in some sort of illusion of citizen-participated good government,” he said.

  Indeed, Democrats have also benefited from partisan maps in states like Maryland. Still, when Democrats in New Jersey recently sought to benefit from midterm gains and overhaul how legislative maps are drawn, Mr. Holder and other fair-voting groups opposed it. The proposal was scrapped.

  In the November elections, Democrats gained more House seats than they have in any midterm since Watergate, picking up 40 seats. But the gains might have been even bigger, election experts said, if Republican gerrymanders hadn’t been drawn to withstand a blue wave.

  In Ohio, Republicans won 52 percent of the overall votes for Congress, but they retained 11 of the state’s 16 House seats.

  In North Carolina, Republicans won 50 percent of the popular congressional vote, but 9 out of 12 seats, not counting one still in dispute.

  “It’s the result of digitally diabolical gerrymandering,” said Gov. Roy Cooper, a Democrat.

  North Carolina has been ground zero for what critics call aggressive Republican attacks on democracy, including a strict voter ID law, extreme partisan gerrymandering and a power grab during a lame-duck session of the legislature after Mr. Cooper’s election in 2016. Courts have overturned many of these efforts.

  The governor echoed critics of gerrymandering who say that putting lawmakers in safe districts leads to partisan polarization, because incumbents fear only a primary challenge from the extremes and lack any incentive to reach across the aisle.

  “It has prevented progress in North Carolina on closing the health care gap,” Mr. Cooper said. “I think in Washington it has torpedoed common sense immigration reform.” In June, the United States Supreme Court sidestepped the question of whether partisan gerrymandering was unconstitutional.

  Republican supermajorities in both of the state’s legislative chambers have overridden 22 of Mr. Cooper’s vetoes. In November, Democrats flipped enough seats in the General Assembly to limit Republicans to simple majorities, restoring the governor’s veto authority. Rather than wait for the new legislature to convene in January, Republicans met this month to override two of Mr. Cooper’s vetoes of voting laws.

  Phil Berger, the president of the State Senate, said critics accusing North Carolina Republicans of undermining democracy ignore the fact that the party won its majorities in 2010 using maps drawn by Democrats. The laws enacted since then, including voter ID, reflect the will of the majority, he said.

  “The Democrats have a geographic problem,” Mr. Berger said, referring to the clustering of Democratic voters in a handful of cities. “Our view is we were returning North Carolina to more of the mainstream.”

  If North Carolina was the template, Republican lawmakers in Wisconsin and Michigan both met in lame-duck sessions last year to strip powers away from incoming Democratic governors. Speaker Robin J. Vos of the Wisconsin State Assembly was candid about his motives for checking the incoming governor, Tony Evers, the former state superintendent of schools. “We are going to have a very liberal governor who is going to enact policies that are in direct contrast to what many of us believe in,” he said in early December.

  Wisconsin’s legislative maps, drawn in 2011, protected Republican supermajorities even after Gov. Scott Walker, a Republican, was defeated last year. Republican candidates for the State Assembly won just 46 percent of the popular vote, but they captured 64 percent of the chamber’s seats.

  Barry Burden, a political scientist at the University of Wisconsin, called the results “a beautiful gerrymander” because Republicans were protected even in a bad year for their party.

  In Michigan, however, most of the Republican pushback against the election results fizzled, either because bills died in the legislature or were vetoed by former Gov. Rick Snyder.

  According to the Brennan Center for Justice, 24 states, most Republican-led, have introduced restrictions that have made access to voting harder since 2010.

  Wendy R. Weiser, director of the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center, said there was a correlation between states that have restricted voting and those with high African-American turnout in 2008, the first year Mr. Obama was elected, as well as those that recorded large increases in Hispanic population in the 2010 census.

  “The more a state saw an increase in political participation by African-Americans or an increase in the Latino population, the more likely they’d introduce new laws cutting back on voting access,” she said.

  At the same time, many states have expanded voting access in recent years. Midterm voters in Nevada passed automatic registration for those receiving a driver’s license, and Maryland authorized same-day registration at the polls. In New York, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo is calling for an overhaul of the state’s voting laws, considered among the most archaic in the country.

  At the opposite end of the spectrum, advocates of restrictions such as voter ID laws say they are needed to prevent fraud, despite multiple studies showing in-person fraud is extremely rare. A federal appeals court that struck down North Carolina’s voter ID law in 2016 said it was drafted to target blacks “with almost surgical precision.”

  One of the Republicans defeated at the polls last year, Kris W. Kobach, lost a race for Kansas governor after being rebuked in federal court for insisting without evidence that noncitizen voting was widespread. Mr. Kobach had led the commission to look into President Trump’s baseless claim that millions of undocumented immigrants voted in 2016. It disbanded without documenting his claim.

  Polls show Americans are increasingly concerned about the structure of elections. Only 51 percent believed that elections are fair and open in a July Ipsos poll. A Pew Research Center survey in October found wide partisan gaps over easing access to voting, with more Democrats than Republicans favoring the ability to register on Election Day, the restoration of felons’ voting rights and the automatic registration of all eligible voters.

  The issue has become a galvanizing one for Democratic candidates.

  Kamala Harris, the senator from California and a likely Democratic presidential candidate, tweeted last week: “As states across the country are actively making it harder for Americans to vote, my Democratic colleagues are committed to strengthening access to the ballot box. Reinvigorating the Voting Rights Act, expanding early voting, and automatic registration are a place to start.”

  In November, voters in Colorado, Missouri, Michigan and Utah approved changes to limit the role of partisanship in drawing congressional and legislative districts. Ohio passed a similar measure in May.

  But in Missouri, Gov. Michael L. Parson, a Republican, opposed the popular vote to turn over mapmaking to a “nonpartisan state demographer,” which could increase Democratic representation. The governor called for the measure’s repeal.

  Missouri reflects the way even popular elections often fail to settle voting-related disputes. In Florida, Democrats say Republicans are already looking for ways to avoid carrying out the initiative allowing people convicted of felonies to vote.

  Mr. Holder, who is among the Democrats considering a presidential run, said issues about voting and democracy are now central to American politics.

  “Health care will clearly be the primary issue,” he said. “But I think if you’re looking for a top-five issue, this one has broken through and will be something people will talk about and make their decision about who they’re going to vote for.”




  【丽】【京】【城】,【驿】【馆】。 【礼】【部】【侍】【郎】【提】【着】【礼】【品】【讪】【讪】【的】【被】【昼】【闫】【打】【发】【了】【出】【来】。 “【王】【不】【见】【客】,【今】【天】【的】【计】【划】【取】【消】。”【昼】【闫】【冷】【冰】【冰】【的】【守】【在】【门】【口】,【不】【近】【人】【情】【的】【抿】【着】【双】【唇】。 【礼】【部】【侍】【郎】【不】【死】【心】,“【这】【位】【大】【人】,【劳】【烦】【您】【去】【通】【传】【一】【声】【可】【好】,【这】【车】【马】【已】【经】【备】【好】【了】,【怎】【么】【说】【也】【要】【见】【上】【一】【面】,【才】【好】【向】【上】【边】【交】【差】【啊】。” 【昼】【闫】【只】【冷】【笑】【了】【一】【声】,【一】【把】【关】

  【袁】【涛】【做】【了】【个】【梦】。 【那】【是】【个】【看】【不】【清】【长】【相】【的】【女】【生】,【一】【身】【黑】【袍】,【在】【混】【沌】【里】【伸】【出】【手】【指】,【偌】【大】【的】【黑】【暗】【的】【空】【间】,【如】【同】【快】【进】【的】【电】【影】【般】,【一】【帧】【帧】【的】【播】【放】【着】。 【而】【站】【在】【下】【头】【的】【袁】【涛】,【突】【然】【打】【了】【个】【冷】【战】,【原】【因】【无】【他】,【那】【电】【影】【里】【的】【故】【事】,【赫】【然】【就】【是】【他】【自】【己】,【挣】【扎】【的】【无】【望】【的】【哭】【泣】【的】【女】【生】,【一】【个】【个】【被】【他】【折】【磨】【的】【没】【个】【人】【形】。 【袁】【涛】【有】【病】,【他】【自】【己】【也】

  【然】【而】,【成】【为】【王】【妃】【的】【女】【孩】【并】【没】【有】【像】【其】【他】【女】【孩】【那】【样】【在】【第】【二】【天】【死】【去】。 【女】【孩】【美】【丽】【勇】【敢】,【聪】【明】【可】【人】,【利】【用】【故】【事】【吸】【引】【住】【了】【国】【王】。【她】【每】【天】【讲】【一】【个】【故】【事】【给】【国】【王】【听】,【国】【王】【总】【是】【想】【知】【道】【之】【后】【发】【生】【了】【什】【么】,【于】【是】【总】【是】【留】【着】【女】【孩】【的】【性】【命】。 【就】【这】【样】,【女】【孩】【在】【王】【宫】【里】【住】【了】【一】【天】【又】【一】【天】、【一】【月】【又】【一】【月】,【然】【而】【她】【活】【的】【并】【不】【快】【乐】——【她】【并】【不】【爱】【国】【王】。

  “……” 【余】【宿】【寒】【被】【米】【小】【宛】【怼】【的】【没】【话】【说】。 【但】【是】【就】【算】【没】【话】【说】,【该】【做】【的】【还】【得】【做】。 【米】【小】【宛】【躺】【在】【病】【床】【上】,【护】【士】【过】【来】【操】【作】【仪】【器】。 【米】【小】【宛】【虽】【然】【嘴】【硬】,【但】【是】【也】【不】【会】【给】【医】【务】【人】【员】【添】【乱】。【让】【干】【什】【么】【干】【什】【么】,【自】【己】【难】【受】【的】【快】【要】【哭】【了】,【但】【是】【依】【旧】【强】【忍】【着】。 【不】【断】【的】【催】【吐】【让】【米】【小】【宛】【脸】【色】【苍】【白】,【躺】【在】【那】【里】【双】【手】【攥】【着】,【用】【力】【闭】【着】【眼】【睛】。今晚三中三买什么生肖“【霍】【顿】【长】【老】【被】【袭】【击】【了】,【我】【找】【到】【他】【的】【时】【候】,【他】【已】【经】【陷】【入】【沉】【睡】【中】。” 【霍】【顿】,【掌】【管】【血】【族】【后】【勤】,【性】【格】【温】【和】,【一】【向】【是】【个】【老】【好】【人】【的】【形】【象】,【无】【仇】【无】【怨】【的】【谁】【会】【去】【袭】【击】【他】? “【陷】【入】【沉】【睡】?【看】【来】【伤】【的】【很】【重】【啊】,【有】【什】【么】【线】【索】【吗】?” 【贝】【德】【沉】【默】【一】【会】【儿】【继】【续】【说】【道】: “【殿】【下】,【他】【的】【上】【有】【伤】【痕】,【应】【该】【是】【被】【咬】【了】。” 【阿】【锦】【挑】【眉】,【这】【年】【头】

  【如】【果】【有】【一】【款】【不】【用】【氪】【金】【的】【游】【戏】,【你】【感】【不】【感】【兴】【趣】?【如】【果】【这】【款】【游】【戏】【是】100%【虚】【拟】【游】【戏】,【你】【感】【不】【感】【兴】【趣】?【如】【果】【这】【款】【虚】【拟】【游】【戏】【可】【以】【让】【你】【掌】【握】【超】【凡】【的】【力】【量】,【你】【感】【不】【感】【兴】【趣】? 【如】【果】【它】【能】【让】【你】【长】【生】【呢】? “【感】【兴】【趣】?”【郑】【东】【笑】【了】【起】【来】,“【来】,【先】【把】【这】【份】【契】【约】【签】【了】!” PS: 【郑】【东】:【作】【为】【一】【个】【意】【外】【得】【到】【神】【国】【设】

   【天】【色】【微】【亮】【的】【时】【候】,【行】【宫】【里】【却】【突】【然】【灯】【火】【通】【明】【了】【起】【来】,【越】【离】【沙】【高】【调】【的】【押】【着】【断】【了】【一】【条】【手】,【只】【进】【行】【过】【简】【单】【包】【扎】【满】【身】【血】【迹】【克】【莱】【尔】【公】【爵】,【就】【这】【样】【大】【摇】【大】【摆】【的】【从】【行】【宫】【的】【大】【门】【走】【了】【进】【来】,【几】【乎】【是】【一】【现】【身】【就】【让】【行】【宫】【里】【的】【侍】【卫】【一】【片】【哗】【然】。 【那】【是】【谁】,【那】【可】【是】【他】【们】【陛】【下】【的】【死】【对】【头】,【皇】【室】【的】【血】【脉】,【公】【国】【鼎】【鼎】【有】【名】【公】【爵】【大】【人】。 【哪】【怕】【是】【海】【默】【格】【陛】【下】【也】

  “【孟】【心】,【情】【况】【不】【妙】,【据】【前】【方】【探】【子】【回】【报】【的】【消】【息】,【异】【种】【大】【军】【已】【经】【逼】【近】【根】【据】【地】,【随】【时】【有】【可】【能】【发】【现】【我】【们】。【我】【想】【我】【们】【应】【该】【尽】【快】【撤】【离】【了】。” 【凯】【多】【语】【重】【心】【长】【的】【说】【道】。 【听】【到】【凯】【多】【的】【话】,【孟】【心】【并】【不】【显】【得】【吃】【惊】,【嘴】【角】【微】【微】【扬】【起】,【喃】【喃】【道】:“【看】【来】【机】【会】【已】【经】【来】【了】……” “【什】【么】?” 【凯】【多】【没】【听】【清】【孟】【心】【在】【说】【什】【么】。 【孟】【心】【笑】【着】【摆】【了】

  【听】【到】【这】【里】,【白】【沐】【凡】【不】【免】【有】【些】【动】【容】【了】。 【若】【是】【穆】【冷】【月】【所】【说】【的】【情】【况】【没】【有】【夸】【张】,【那】【么】【她】【们】【所】【走】【的】【这】【条】“【人】【魂】【合】【一】”【的】【道】【路】,【看】【起】【来】【确】【实】【前】【途】【无】【限】! 【尤】【其】【是】【后】【期】【比】【传】【统】【武】【者】【强】【出】【一】【大】【截】【这】【点】,【更】【是】【让】【他】【有】【些】【心】【潮】【澎】【湃】,【这】【种】【武】【魂】【和】【自】【身】【彻】【底】【融】【合】【的】【道】【路】,【无】【论】【是】【从】【立】【意】【上】【还】【是】【效】【果】【上】,【似】【乎】【比】【起】【目】【前】【武】【魂】【外】【放】【的】【道】【路】【更】【加】【正】