It comes as little surprise, sadly, that the Saudi thugs who slaughtered Jamal Khashoggi were a secret crew of enforcers for Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. They had been watching, kidnapping, detaining and torturing Saudi dissidents for more than a year before they traveled to Istanbul to kill and dismember the Washington Post journalist.
According to a report in The Times by Mark Mazzetti and Ben Hubbard, citing officials who have read classified intelligence, the team is known to American officials as the “Saudi Rapid Intervention Group” and it carried out at least a dozen operations before the Khashoggi murder.
This comes as little surprise because of all the sordid information that has come out about the Saudi hit men and the crown prince since the brazen assassination of Mr. Khashoggi inside the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul shocked the world in October, and because of the clumsy initial attempts by Prince Mohammed to deny the killing and then to pin it on underlings who purportedly exceeded their orders and are now said to be standing trial in a courtroom no independent witnesses have been to.
In the five months since the killing, most of the world has learned that Prince Mohammed is not the modernizing liberal of the image he cultivated among Western leaders and visitors but rather a despot who suppressed those who challenged his image and his power.
That he would create a secret team of enforcers further affirms that Mr. Khashoggi’s killing was not some rogue operation by loyal courtiers against a nettlesome critic. Instead, it was part of a systematic campaign to silence dissidents that was overseen by a top aide to Prince Mohammed, Saud al-Qahtani, and led in the field by an intelligence officer who had traveled abroad with the crown prince, Maher Abdulaziz Mutreb.
According to the American officials, the team was worked so hard that last June it asked for holiday bonuses.
Saudi Arabia, an absolute monarchy with a particularly stern form of Islam, has always been high on the list of human-rights violators. But with the ascent of Prince Mohammed’s father, King Salman, to the throne in January 2015, and with Prince Mohammed’s subsequent emergence as the heir and the power behind the throne, the pace of arrests, repression and executions rose to levels unseen in two decades.
According to a Saudi group that tracks political prisoners, Prisoners of Conscience, more than 2,600 Saudi dissidents — including scientists, writers, lawyers and women’s rights campaigners — were locked up in the kingdom while the crown prince was building his image abroad as a reformer. His celebrated decision to let women drive, in the best known example, was accompanied by the imprisonment of the women who had campaigned for the right.
The revelation that the killing of Mr. Khashoggi was part of a systematic campaign against dissidents strips away any remaining illusions about Prince Mohammed. The Guardian newspaper has reported signs that King Salman has begun to curb his son’s power and that Prince Mohammed has missed a series of high-profile ministerial and diplomatic meetings over the past two weeks.
President Trump and his senior adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner, who shaped much of their Middle East policy around their friendly relations with the crown prince, have tried to minimize the fallout from the Khashoggi killing. But the Senate demonstrated last week that it was prepared to part with the president on Saudi Arabia when it voted 54 to 46 to end American military assistance for the Saudi-led war in Yemen, a conflict that has created a humanitarian crisis in the country. The House is expected to follow suit.
Congress should demand a full disclosure of intelligence records about Mr. Khashoggi’s murder, about the team that committed it and about the role of Prince Mohammed. It also needs to demand the immediate release of the political prisoners in whose support Mr. Khashoggi wrote the articles that sealed his fate. And even if Mr. Trump insists on continuing to back this damaged and damaging prince, the president should be using his leverage to extract such concessions on human rights.
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管家婆彩图2017大全 “【嗯】【呢】！” 【玄】【月】【杀】【点】【点】【头】，【倒】【也】【不】【担】【心】【暴】【露】【了】【褚】【芊】【的】【身】【份】【来】【历】，【会】【引】【起】【凤】【火】【尊】【者】【的】【不】【满】，【直】【接】【解】【释】【道】： “【她】【叫】【褚】【芊】，【是】【七】【星】【红】【叶】【族】【的】【族】【人】，【据】【说】【体】【内】【拥】【有】【很】【浓】【的】【七】【星】【红】【叶】【族】【血】【脉】。” “【七】【星】【红】【叶】【族】？【就】【是】【红】【叶】【城】【的】【那】【个】【吗】？” 【凤】【火】【尊】【者】【温】【柔】【的】【眼】【眸】【中】，【闪】【过】【一】【丝】【好】【奇】，【轻】【声】【问】【道】。 “【是】【的】【呢】！【就】【是】【那】【个】【七】【星】
【两】【人】【的】【对】【弈】【最】【终】【以】【三】【目】【大】【获】【全】【胜】【而】【结】【束】。 “【你】【去】【找】【萧】【云】【娘】【了】？”【柳】【无】【戒】【起】【身】【后】【第】【一】【句】【话】【就】【问】【道】。 “【嗯】。”【柳】【无】【心】【只】【是】【点】【头】【答】【应】【了】【一】【下】，【并】【没】【有】【过】【多】【的】【解】【释】【什】【么】。 “【找】【了】【也】【好】，【师】【父】【这】【辈】【子】【可】【能】【最】【遗】【憾】【的】【事】【情】【就】【是】【没】【能】【回】【来】【见】【她】【一】【次】【吧】。”【柳】【无】【戒】【好】【像】【想】【起】【了】【什】【么】。 “【嗯】。”【柳】【无】【心】【还】【是】【点】【了】【点】【头】【没】【有】【说】
【需】【要】【多】【考】【虑】【一】【下】，【需】【要】【一】【点】【时】【间】，【明】【天】【一】【并】【发】【给】【各】【位】【训】【练】【家】！ 【小】**【抱】【歉】【啦】！ 【难】～管家婆彩图2017大全【门】【口】，【黎】【墨】【的】【车】【子】【停】【在】【那】【里】。 【她】【的】【脚】【步】【渐】【渐】【放】【慢】，【站】【在】【原】【地】【顿】【了】【一】【下】。 【手】【中】【的】【车】【钥】【匙】【微】【微】【捏】【紧】。 【她】【实】【在】【不】【敢】……【抱】【有】【任】【何】【期】【盼】。 【不】【然】，【最】【后】【变】【成】【笑】【话】【的】，【永】【远】【都】【是】【自】【己】。 【见】【她】【半】【天】【不】【动】，【黎】【墨】【放】【下】【车】【窗】，【侧】【头】【冷】【脸】【看】【着】【她】。 “【愣】【什】【么】！【赶】【紧】【上】【车】。” 【许】【清】【知】【眸】【子】【闪】【了】【闪】，【人】【还】【没】【有】【反】【应】【过】
【顾】【雪】【回】【家】【的】【时】【候】【已】【经】【是】【十】【二】【点】【过】【了】，【她】【悄】【悄】【地】【打】【开】【门】，【客】【厅】【是】【黑】【的】。 【顾】【雪】【松】【了】【一】【口】【气】，【轻】【手】【轻】【脚】【地】【提】【起】【箱】【子】【准】【备】【回】【自】【己】【的】【房】【间】。 “【回】【来】【了】。” 【正】【在】【顾】【雪】【已】【经】【握】【住】【门】【把】【手】【准】【备】【推】【门】【进】【屋】【的】【时】【候】【客】【厅】【的】【灯】【啪】【的】【一】【下】【开】【了】。 【顾】【妈】【倚】【在】【她】【卧】【室】【的】【门】【框】【那】【里】，【旁】【边】【就】【是】【客】【厅】【灯】【的】【开】【关】，【她】【的】【手】【还】【放】【在】【那】【里】。 【顾】
“【死】！” 【星】【空】【之】【上】，【杨】【宇】【状】【若】【神】【魔】【一】【般】【将】【迎】【面】【而】【来】【的】【神】【族】【人】【给】【撕】【成】【了】【两】【半】，【鲜】【血】【洒】【在】【了】【他】【的】【身】【上】，【却】【不】【是】【一】【种】【血】【腥】【味】，【反】【而】【是】【一】【种】【恶】【臭】【味】，【令】【人】【闻】【到】【都】【会】【恶】【心】【到】【想】【吐】。 【在】【距】【离】【杨】【宇】【不】【远】【处】【的】【地】【方】，【有】【着】【三】【道】【身】【影】【存】【在】。 【他】【们】【分】【别】【是】【病】【态】【男】【子】【教】【父】、【冷】【酷】【女】**【者】【以】【及】【外】【表】【是】【小】【孩】【子】【模】【样】【的】【善】【财】。 【此】【时】【的】