On Tuesday, the Justice Department opened an investigation into alleged election fraud in North Carolina’s Ninth Congressional District. Neither the details of the crime nor the culprits, however, match the scenario that has led to an array of Voter ID laws, voter roll purges and similar efforts “to protect the integrity of the ballot box.”
The Republicans would have the nation believe that the threat to our democracy is from voter fraud, where someone impersonates someone else to cast an illegal ballot or multiple ballots to “steal elections.” But the chance of voter fraud occurring is, at best, 0.0000044 percent.
The real theft of American democracy happens through election fraud and voter suppression. And Republicans are the thieves.
What happened in North Carolina during the 2018 midterms was a textbook case of election fraud. That’s when a candidate’s campaign sets out to manipulate vote tallies to steal an election.
In the Ninth Congressional District, the Republican candidate, Mark Harris, hired Leslie McCrae Dowless, an election operative with a “shady” reputation, to ensure that there would be enough votes to send Mr. Harris to Capitol Hill. Even though Mr. Harris’s son, an assistant United States attorney, repeatedly warned him against this hire.
When the ballots were tallied, Mr. Harris was ahead by 905 votes. His total included 61 percent of the absentee ballots in Bladen County, though only 19 percent there were cast by Republicans.
Something was also awry in Robeson County, where 40 percent of African-Americans’ absentee ballots and 60 percent of Native Americans’ absentee ballots were never officially turned in. Mr. Dowless, elections officials concluded, had illegally gathered, altered and discarded more than 1,000 absentee ballots in Bladen and Robeson Counties. The election’s results were so bizarre that the state elections board refused to certify the vote.
Mr. Dowless and four other people are now under indictment.
Faced with this brazen attempt to steal a congressional seat, most of the national Republican leadership simply went silent.
The Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, who has repeatedly articulated his contempt for voting rights, laid the blame for the election fraud debacle on Democrats and their refusal to back voter ID laws. This was catnip for the Republican base, which has been convinced that voter fraud happens regularly. And Mr. McConnell managed to swap the reality of election fraud for the fiction of voter fraud to mask that it was the Republican who hired the disreputable campaign operative.
Mr. McConnell’s legerdemain also hid the fact that voter ID would have had no effect whatsoever on Mr. Dowless’s scheme because government-issued photo IDs are not required for absentee voting in North Carolina.
Republicans in North Carolina’s state legislature, instead of addressing the obvious weaknesses in the absentee ballot procedure, or heeding a past court warning about the rampant racial discrimination in its voting laws, doubled down and continued to deploy the lie of voter fraud to craft yet another piece of voter ID legislation.
Although it was stopped by a court, the targets of the new law, as before, were African-Americans, whose voter turnout rate had surpassed that of whites in 2012 but dropped significantly after the state implemented voter suppression legislation in 2013. The result of the statehouse’s new efforts, as an editorial in The Charlotte News & Observer noted, would most likely have resulted “in hundreds of thousands of disenfranchised voters.”
The attempt to eviscerate American citizens’ voting rights was not just confined to North Carolina, however. In Texas, Republicans once again invoked “voter fraud” to mask their effort to steal democracy.
In January, the interim secretary of state, David Whitley, issued a press release stating that his office had uncovered 95,000 noncitizens on the voter rolls and that it appeared 58,000 of them had voted at some point in the state’s elections.
This was the voter fraud beast that the Republicans had warned about.
“We knew it was happening and now we have proof,” asserted James Dickey, the chairman of the Texas Republican Party. “Our voter rolls must be purged to protect our elections.” Attorney General Ken Paxton immediately announced that his office “stands ready to investigate and prosecute crimes against the democratic process when needed.”
Not to be outdone, President Trump used the bully pulpit of his Twitter account to point to Texas as proof that immigrants were a threat to American democracy. “These numbers are just the tip of the iceberg,” he assured. “All over the country, especially in California, voter fraud is rampant. Must be stopped.” Then he added that special touch for his followers: “Strong voter ID!”
Mr. Whitley advised county officials to identify the illegal voters and purge their names immediately. Mr. Paxton would take care of the rest.
Within days, however, election officials in Harris County, which includes Houston, revealed that that 95,000 number was as solid as papier mâché. Mr. Whitley had used a driver’s license database that doesn’t track when or if an immigrant becomes a citizen during the six-year window when a license is issued and expires. Since more than one million Texans had become naturalized citizens during the time frame of the list, this was not insignificant.
The Harris County election officials found in their initial review that about 60 percent of the names flagged were of naturalized citizens. In short, Republicans in Texas were poised to purge thousands of American citizens’ names from the voting rolls simply because they had once been immigrants.
Even as Mr. Whitley’s efforts drew fire from numerous groups, State Senator Paul Bettencourt, a Republican, barreled ahead with a bill to flat out steal voting rights from naturalized citizens. The bill would remove suspected non-citizens from the voter rolls and jail county election officials who balked at carrying out this voting-while-brown law.
The right to vote, and therefore American democracy, is once again under attack. The violence is quieter than before. But it is equally lethal. The only thing that will save us is a restored Voting Rights Act.
Carol Anderson is a professor of African American Studies at Emory University and the author of “White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide.”
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武汉皇马会男模【都】【说】【人】【生】【如】【戏】，【戏】【如】【人】【生】。 【许】【多】【事】【情】【就】【是】【这】【么】【机】【缘】【巧】【合】。 【刚】【被】【妈】【妈】【赐】【予】【小】【名】【的】【悦】【悦】，【刚】【被】【爸】【爸】【抱】【进】【爷】【爷】【的】【病】【房】，【就】【咕】【哇】【咕】【哇】【大】【哭】，【任】【爸】【爸】【和】【月】【嫂】【怎】【么】【都】【安】【抚】【不】【住】。 【申】【晅】【耀】【心】【里】【一】【动】，【干】【脆】【抱】【着】【这】【个】【肉】【团】【靠】【近】【了】【被】【医】【生】【团】【团】【围】【住】【的】【父】【亲】。 【悦】【悦】【的】【哭】【声】【越】【发】【响】【亮】.【光】【耀】【趴】【在】【父】【亲】【耳】【边】：“【爸】，【爸】，【爸】，【您】【醒】
【容】【清】【用】【演】【员】【号】【拍】【了】【一】【张】**【年】【书】【房】【的】【照】【片】【发】【在】【了】【微】【博】。 【配】【文】：【【有】【幸】【在】【影】【帝】【家】【学】【习】~@**【年】V】。 **【年】【宠】【溺】【的】【摇】【摇】【头】，【拿】【出】【手】【机】【上】【了】【微】【博】，【转】【发】。 【配】【文】：【【有】【空】【常】【来】。】 “【速】【度】【真】【快】~”【容】【清】【赞】【美】【道】。 **【年】【不】【经】【意】【间】【看】【向】【了】【容】【清】，【阳】【光】【打】【在】【了】【她】【身】【上】，【给】【人】【看】【着】【有】【一】【种】【暖】【洋】【洋】【的】【感】【觉】。
【鞠】【婧】【祎】【在】《【请】【赐】【我】【一】【双】【翅】【膀】》【中】【饰】【演】【的】【林】【九】【歌】【是】【一】【个】【思】【维】【敏】【捷】，【美】【丽】【聪】【慧】【的】【留】【洋】【高】【材】【生】，【因】【父】【亲】【被】【杀】，【而】【成】【为】【头】【号】【怀】【疑】【对】【象】【蒙】【冤】【入】【狱】，【为】【洗】【清】【自】【己】【的】【冤】【屈】【越】【狱】【与】【龙】【天】【羽】【一】【起】【对】【抗】【黑】【暗】【势】【力】，【林】【九】【歌】【可】【谓】【是】【经】【历】【过】【生】【死】【和】【种】【种】【磨】【难】，【所】【以】【对】【于】【生】【活】【的】【热】【爱】【和】【自】【由】【格】【外】【珍】【惜】。【接】【下】【来】【就】【来】【瞧】【瞧】【鞠】【婧】【祎】【在】【剧】【中】【的】【服】【饰】【穿】【搭】，【你】【最】【喜】【欢】【哪】【个】【造】【型】【呢】？武汉皇马会男模【夜】【君】【念】【摇】【摇】【头】，【嘴】【角】【带】【走】【苦】【笑】：“【完】【全】【没】【有】，【这】【个】【任】【务】【其】【实】【早】【就】【下】【达】【给】【我】【们】【了】，【我】【和】【小】【离】【也】【是】【找】【了】【他】【很】【久】，【但】【是】【从】【来】【都】【没】【有】【得】【到】【关】【于】【他】【的】【任】【何】【线】【索】，【我】【也】【曾】【怀】【疑】【过】，【他】【到】【底】【有】【没】【有】【来】【到】【这】【里】，【不】【过】【看】【幽】【梦】【宫】【那】【群】【人】【的】【架】【势】，【他】【铁】【定】【是】【过】【来】【了】，【且】【比】【我】【们】【先】【来】【到】【这】【里】。” 【还】【有】【一】【件】【事】【夜】【君】【念】【比】【较】【担】【忧】。 【他】【们】【来】【到】【这】
【辛】【时】【手】【心】【有】【些】【发】【凉】：“【可】【是】【你】【说】【过】” 【云】【台】【大】【师】【仁】【慈】【的】【勾】【起】【了】【嘴】【角】：“【辛】【时】，【我】【信】【你】【同】【其】【他】【妖】【是】【不】【一】【样】【的】，【只】【要】【你】【不】【害】【人】，【我】【定】【护】【着】【你】。” 【此】【时】【辛】【时】【只】【觉】【有】【些】【嘲】【讽】，【当】【时】【看】【着】【云】【台】【的】【自】【己】，【眼】【眸】【里】【大】【抵】【也】【闪】【耀】【着】【星】【辰】【吧】。 “【杀】【了】【我】”【他】【有】【些】【不】【甘】【的】【撇】【过】【了】【眸】【子】，【他】【不】【是】【什】【么】【惹】【人】【怜】【爱】【的】【花】
【机】【场】【很】【快】【就】【到】【了】，【两】【人】【下】【了】【车】，【王】【阳】【目】【送】【两】【人】【进】【去】。 【看】【到】【沈】【清】【霄】【和】【乔】【然】【的】【身】【影】【消】【失】【在】【视】【线】【里】，【才】【开】【车】【离】【去】。 【这】【次】【旅】【行】【结】【婚】【的】【计】【划】【是】【乔】【然】【提】【出】【的】，【旅】【行】【的】【路】【线】【也】【全】【部】【都】【是】【乔】【然】【一】【手】【制】【定】【的】，【沈】【清】【霄】【对】【于】【去】【哪】【儿】，【要】【做】【什】【么】，【事】【先】【丝】【毫】【不】【知】。 【乔】【然】【说】【要】【给】【他】【一】【个】【惊】【喜】，【他】【就】【等】【着】【那】【个】【惊】【喜】，【事】【先】【什】【么】【都】【没】【问】。